Historical Background: Argentina and Aguila (1880-1960s)

The historical background that engulfs the content of this exhibit is multidimensional. There are complex historical backgrounds relating to national sentiments in Argentina, to gender expectations in Argentina, and to the foundation of the Aguila chocolate company itself.

The timeframe for this exhibit spans from 1905 to the 1960s. During this period, Argentina underwent several transformative eras. From 1880 to 1930, Argentina witnessed local oligarchs, a rise in industrialization, and an immigration boom, the majority of immigrants being from Europe (Chasteen, XII). It is no coincidence then that this time also marked the Belle Epoque era in Argentina. The Belle Epoque is an era that overlaps with part of the exhibit's timeframe and precedes the rest of it. This era is consistently regarded as a time in which Argentines based their social values on European examples and expectations about what it meant to be civilized. They mimicked European architecture and dress, and they appeared to want to present themselves as European equivalents. This time frame also encompasses what historian Pamela S. Murray calls the rise of feminism in Latin America (Murray, 119). For instance, Buenos Aires held its first International Women’s Conference for the Republic of Argentina in 1910 (Murray, 124). Women also gained greater access to education, at least in the most wealthy and urbanized parts of Latin America, which molded the foundation of future organized feminism (Murray, 124). As for Aguila, Frenchman Abel Saint founded the company in 1880 in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and it increased in production capacity and scale in the early 20th century (Chocolates Aguila).

In an era of nationalism from 1910 to 1945, Argentina’s Radical Party “displaced the landowning oligarchy but remained mired in traditional patronage politics” (Chasteen, XII). During this time, keeping order in society was paramount which is why the “Argentine military had controlled the country during the 1930s, acting sometimes as nationalists of a right-­wing sort, but more often as guardians of the old social hierarchy” (Chasteen, 271). As for economics, import substitution industrialization (ISI) in the 1930s “gave the nationalist critics of economic imperialism a persuasive case against the old import-export trade” as Argentina’s production continued despite international trade disruption (Chasteen, 249). Playing a key role in this industrialization was the presence of working women. According to Murray, women, especially immigrant women, in the 1920s and ‘30s constituted a cornerstone of the urban industrial labor force, meaning that they were partaking in non-domestic paid work (159).

Within another bout of Latin American revolution from 1945 to 1960, populist leaders Juan and Evita Perón (1946–55) gave a voice to the working class, solidifying the support of poor and lower-middle-class workers in Argentine politics and culture (Chasteen, XII & 264). For women, the Perónist government marked a watershed moment because Evita successfully pushed for women’s suffrage in 1947 and advocated for women’s equal wages for equal work (Chasteen, 272). These changes, however, did not eradicate the long withstanding patriarchy which was vividly observed through what historian John Charles Chasteen calls Eva’s “slavish adoration of Perón [which] reeked of patriarchal tradition” (273). Around this time, Aguila produced and marketed around 100 distinct products, had its own industrial infrastructure that allowed production to increase even more in the middle of the century (Chocolates Aguila).

As a reminder, I will argue that in an effort to drive national sentiment and subsequent national consumption, Aguila chocolate advertisements in the early to mid 20th century try to position Argentine chocolate above foreign chocolates. I also suggest that Aguila advertisements that target women and depict their subservient role, reflect the perceived social value of women related to their expected domestic responsibilities.

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